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Estimated Change in Total ODA Funding Level FY2016-FY2018

Given the false economies and the apparent prioritization of diplomatic and political objectives—what is the underlying strategic rationale here? At CGD we have been combing through the data to see what narrative emerges—and, in particular, which parts of the budget would sustain the most pain. This map shows the impact relative to all Official Development Assistance receipts to the countries.

Percent Change in the FY2016-2018 Budget

Percent Change in the FY2016 Budget to FY2018 Budget

Given the false economies and the apparent prioritization of diplomatic and political objectives—what is the underlying strategic rationale here? At CGD we have been combing through the data to see what narrative emerges—and, in particular, which parts of the budget would sustain the most pain. This map shows country-level cuts proportionally relative to FY2016 funding.

Absolute Difference from the FY2016 Budget to FY2018 Budget

Absolute Difference from the FY2016 Budget to FY2018 Budget

Given the false economies and the apparent prioritization of diplomatic and political objectives—what is the underlying strategic rationale here? At CGD we have been combing through the data to see what narrative emerges—and, in particular, which parts of the budget would sustain the most pain. This map shows the country-level cuts in absolute terms.

Key Destinations of Foreign Assistance, 2000-2015

Key Destinations of Foreign Assistance, 2000-2015

Increases in foreign aid spending—including both military and economic assistance—are not merely a phenomenon of the past eight years. Foreign aid spending increased under the administrations of both Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, largely due to increases in funding to Afghanistan and Iraq. Beyond these three areas, growth in foreign aid spending has been relatively modest.

International Affairs Subfunctions as a Percentage of Total Outlays, 2000-2015

It only takes a quick look at the numbers to see that if your chief goal is to bolster defense spending—as President Trump has suggested his is—even deep cuts to foreign aid programs will be of little help. Together, the cuts proposed to the State Department and USAID amount to less than 3 percent of the defense budget.

FY2016 Enacted and FY2018 "Skinny Budget" Request

Funding areas are divided into those that are explicitly cut in the skinny budget, those that are not specified in the skinny budget and thus vulnerable to cuts, and those that appear to be less vulnerable based on the skinny budget.

Women Participation in Top 100 Firms that Patent the Most

Women Participation in Top 100 Firms that Patent the Most

Looking across the 100 firms worldwide that patent the most, the variation in women’s participation in innovation is considerable. For the worst-performing seven firms over the 2011-15 period, fewer than 1 in 10 patent applications included a woman inventor.

Host Country Perceived Utility and Usage of Practices

A new policy paper, The Use and Utility of US Government Approaches to Country Ownership: New Insights from Partner Countries (with AidData co-authors Bradley Parks and Takaaki Masaki), draws upon survey data from government officials and donor staff in 126 developing countries to explore partner country perceptions of 1) how frequently the US government engaged in practices associated both favorably and less favorably with the promotion of country ownership, and 2) how useful each of those practices was. This chart shows that practices that let countries lead tend to be underutilized compared to their perceived utility.

OPIC Commitments by Country Income Group, Percent of Total

When we took a deep dive into OPIC’s portfolio earlier this year, we found that the share of commitments going to high-income countries had increased significantly.  At the same time, the share of OPIC commitments in poorer countries had been declining over the previous 15 years. However, in 2015, there was a clear uptick in the percentage of OPIC commitments going towards lower middle-income countries.

Estimated Election Costs with Biometrics

Estimated Election Costs With Biometrics

While biometric technology can be costly—usually from $15 million to $100 million per election—its price tag seems relatively minor compared to the potential costs of post-election violence. This can run into the billions of dollars as economic growth stalls, in addition to less readily quantifiable human losses. If biometrics can make even a modest contribution to delivering more credible elections—and thus reducing the likelihood of violence—their use could be a worthwhile bet.

The Humanitarian Financing Deficit is Growing Quickly

This chart compares agencies’ requests for funding through humanitarian-response plans. Underinvestment in resilience and increasing costs due to late response show up as a rising deficit, as calls on donors’ humanitarian budgets go unmet. Since response plans are filed after crises develop, funding is late almost by design. And it arrives in the straitjacket of annual disbursements, despite the multi-year nature of many crises 

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